Thursday, November 25, 2004

UKRAINE II: EU HYPOCRISY MUST END

Alexander J. Motyl, International Herald Tribune (IHT)
New York, NY, Friday, November 26, 2004

http://www.iht.com/articles/2004/11/25/news/edmotyl.html

NEW YORK - Leading European Union officials have been quick to
reject the results of Ukraine's disputed presidential election. But there is
no disguising the fact that for 13 years the EU has been indifferent to
democracy in Ukraine. The Union should redeem itself by supporting the
Ukrainian population's democratic aspirations with the prospect of EU
membership.

Though Ukraine's elections were marred by extensive fraud, events this
week testify to a vigorous citizenry that is willing to fight, stubbornly
and peacefully, for its rights. The extent of popular mobilization after the
elections in support of the opposition leader, Viktor Yushchenko,
demonstrates that Ukrainians want real democracy.

Who, then, is opposed to democracy in Ukraine? President Leonid
Kuchma and his cronies, including his anointed successor, Prime Minister
Viktor Yanukovich. President Vladimir Putin of Russia, who has consistently
supported the most reactionary forces in all the non-Russian states as part
of a plan to extend Russian hegemony over the former Soviet space. And
Europe.

Europe is supposed to stand for democracy, human rights, civil society and
the rule of law, but EU policies toward Ukraine suggest that Europe is
indifferent to democracy - except when supporting democracy is easy and
accords with its crude self-interest.

The countries of Eastern and Central Europe were offered the prospect of EU
membership immediately after achieving independence, but Ukraine was not.
Indeed, the EU's partnership and cooperation agreement with Ukraine, like
its agreement with Russia, is explicitly premised on no future membership.
Why?

Ukraine is as Slavic as Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic. It's as
Christian as any European country - and as secular as any European country.
Its population is urban, educated and technologically savvy. Its historical
and cultural connections with Poland, Hungary, Austria, Germany, Greece
and France are extensive.
So what's the problem? Yes, Ukraine was, and still is, a transitional
post-Soviet state. Yes, its politics are not yet fully democratic and its
economics are not yet fully market-oriented. But neither were Poland's and
Hungary's in 1990. If they could be invited to join the EU then, surely
Ukraine could be invited to join the EU now.

More important, the prospect of EU membership has been decisive in pushing
the east central European states, and Turkey, along the path of reform. And
what works for Poland and Turkey would work for Ukraine.
By not offering Ukraine that prospect, the EU has effectively undercut the
argument of Ukraine's pro-Western democrats, such as Yushchenko, that
Ukraine's only path of development lies in joining Europe.

Why doesn't the EU simply say that it wants Ukraine to join, on condition of
course that Ukraine meet all the demanding entry criteria? Ukraine is
decades away from such a goal, so Europe need not worry about subsidizing
another poor country and assimilating immigrants anytime soon. But getting
to democracy, the market and rule of law would be so much easier for
Ukraine if Europe simply extended a hand.

So why doesn't Europe do something so simple, effective and cost-free? Part
of the reason that many West Europeans are still appallingly ignorant about
their immediate neighbor, a country the size of France. Part of the reason
is that the EU has just admitted 10 new members and is wondering what to do
about Turkey. And part is purely geopolitical. The Europeans who fear
ruffling Russia's feathers, are happy to concede Ukraine to Moscow in
exchange for Russia's good will, oil and gas.

But isn't that just realpolitik? Isn't that sacrificing democracy, human
rights, and rule of law on the altar of self-interest? Isn't that a
repudiation of everything the EU claims to stand for?

If the EU fails to support democracy in Ukraine by offering EU membership,
then it repudiates its claim to being a new community of states that rests
on values.

(Alexander J. Motyl is the author of ‘‘Dilemmas of Independence: Ukraine
After Totalitarianism’’ (1992) and co-editor of ‘‘Russia’s Engagement With
the West’’ (2004).)

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